The History of North Cyprus
In 1571, the administration of Cyprus was taken from the Venetians and under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for 307 years, was transferred to England in 1878, with the right to sovereignty remaining in the Ottoman Empire. As a result of the Ottoman Empire and England taking its place in separate ranks during the First World War, Britain annexed the island in 1914 with a unilateral decision. British sovereignty over the islands was recognized in 1923 by the Lausanne Treaty.
Until the beginning of the 18th century, the number of Turks in Cyprus was higher than that of the Greeks. The amount of land in the hands of the Turks engaged in agriculture was more than the Greek. The social and cultural life between the two sides remained different, and there was no marriage between the Turks and the Greeks.
Since 1931, Greek Cypriots intensified their demands for unification with Greece. The ‘ENOSIS ”campaign, which could be summed up as Cyprus being united with Greece as an ‘eliminated’ island, was accelerated after the Second World War. The Greek Orthodox Church organized a public vote on 15 January 1950 for Enosis, and 96% of the votes were concluded in favor of Enosis. But the idea of Enosis was strongly opposed by England. On the other hand, Greece preferred to reach Enosis indirectly by asserting that the Greek Cypriots had the right to self-determination (self-determination). In 1954, Greece announced that it decided to bring the Cyprus problem to the UN, while the island began to commit acts of violence against the Turkish Cypriots. Between 1954 and 1958, Greece did not succeed in various applications to the UN under the image of self-determination. In the meantime, through the terrorist organization named EOKA, which was founded in 1955 by Colonel Grivas from Greece, violence on the Island had increased. In this case, Britain declared in 1956 that not only the Greek Cypriots but also the Turkish Cypriots had the right to self-determination, and within this framework, the demand for division was also a viable option.
During the period of 1955-58 due to violent acts, the Turkish Cypriots had to leave 33 mixed villages. Turkish Cypriots, who started their own organization activities against Enosis, developed their view in parallel with the developments.
Greece’s unilateral “self-determination” did not receive a decision in favor of Enosis and no UN commitment in supporting their resistance against Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots, but it allowed the opening of negotiations between Turkey and Greece. As a result, Greece and Turkey leaders met in Zurich on 11 February 1959 and received the approval of the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus and in London, England. In this way, from the Zurich and London Agreements emerged independence, the partnership of the two communities, autonomy and solutions in the social sphere and these agreements between Turkey and Greece were based on principles and not guaranteed by England.
In this context, “functional federation” stipulating that it form the basis of a constitution and at the same time in England two sovereign base areas of leaving an Organization Treaty, the Treaty of Guarantee – an alliance that allows them to keep Greek and Turkish troops in Cyprus – has emerged. The Republic of Cyprus was officially established on 16 August 1960.
– 1960 The Republic of Cyprus is a partnership state established under international agreements and the agreements are based on the bi-communal structure of the island. This arrangement with two ‘states’ inside a functional partnership with the inner balance of the provision of Turkey and Greece and the UK’s guarantors have also been studied to provide external balance. To the Vice President of Turkish society, all fundamental issues were granted veto power with equal rights to the President. For Turkey, the agreement with the British sovereign bases (Akrotiri and Dhekelia), including, has guaranteed the entire island.
However, the Greek Cypriot side did not give a chance to live in the way the 1960 Republic was established.
President Makarios of the time began to suggest that the Zurich-London Treaties gave rights to the Turkish Cypriots beyond fair and that the 1960 Constitution was unworkable, and the amendment of the constitution on November 30, 1963, with its 13-item proposals, including the abolition of the veto right to the Turkish Vice President, were announced by the Vice President Dr.Kucuk. These proposals were rejected on 16 December 1963 by the Turkish Cypriot side and Turkey.
Thus, on 21 December 1963, the Greek Cypriot side switched to a comprehensive and systematic violence against the Turkish Cypriot community. This campaign was based on a previously prepared plan (Akritas Plan). The Akritas Plan, which envisages the destruction of the Turks or expulsion from the island, is not an action plan of a simple organisation, but an ethnic cleansing and genocide initiative envisaged and organized by the Greek authorities. As a result of the Akritas plan, 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were forced to leave 103 villages. The entire Turkish Cypriot population sought refuge in small areas, which correspond to 3% of the island’s surface area and were kept under constant siege. Heavy economic pressure against the Turkish Cypriots was applied, they were isolated from the outside world, their communication, transportation and economic relations were completely cut off. The 1960 Constitution, The validity of the Foundation Agreement was abolished in 1963 with the abolition of articles on the fundamental rights of the Turkish Cypriots. After the events of 1963 ‘Bloody Christmas, a Peacekeeping Force’ was formed on 27 December 1963 consisting of the soldiers of the three guarantor countries. In this context, with a line drawn on the map by the British general with a green marker, Nicosia was divided into two on 30 December 1963. Since then, this limit has been named as The Green Line.
Subsequently, UNFICYP was deployed on the island by the UN Security Council’s decision no. 186 on 4 March 1964. Meanwhile, Greece began to secretly send military forces to the island, the number of which has reached 20,000 over time. Thus, the Republic of Cyprus, which turned out to be a Greek administration instead of being a partnership state, actually came under Greek / Greek control and the two peoples were completely separated from each other.
In 1967, Greece in the management of the military coup seized the junta, to achieve Enosis in Kashan and Alexandroupolis negotiations ever attempted to negotiate with Turkey, that result could not take the Cyprus Bosphorus and the attacks organized against Geçitkale village, these attacks have taken part in Greek troops. Upon caveat that it would not use its right to intervene with Turkey’s agreement to have ended this crisis, Greece was forced to withdraw its forces from the island under UN auspices.
Meanwhile, differences of opinion between EOKA members were beginning to emerge, wary of intervention from Turkey and Turks, including former junta members with Makarios who prefer economical way to defeat led to the confrontation of EOKA-B’ci. On July 15, 1974, with the support of the Greek junta, EOKA leader Nikos Sampson seized power shortly after a coup against Makarios in order to connect the island with Greece. Cyprus face of this movement refers to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Turkey, within the framework of the Treaty of Guarantee in 1960, before the proposed joint intervention was found in England. Turkey, on England’s negative response, taking into account the security of Turks on the island began the day July 20, 1974 the Peace Operation. Thus, the annexation of Cyprus to Greece was prevented and the existence of the Turkish Cypriot people was secured. The Turkish Peace Operation was also the end of the Junta administration in Greece.
Following the Peace Operation agreement with the population exchange in 1975, an estimated 120,000 Greeks from the North to the South and 65,000 Turks from the South to the North had two homogeneous populations. These two sections extend over 180 km and are 7 km with width 5 meters. It is separated from each other by an intermediate zone.
Today, 700.000 people live in the Greek Cypriot Administration against the population of North Cyprus. There are also Armenian, Maronite and Latin religious groups in Cyprus. The island of Cyprus is 71km away from Turkey, and 900 km away from Greece.
The first talks between the two sides in the island began in 1968. These discussions, in which the Turkish thesis was presented as local autonomy, continued until the end of 1971. The period 1972-1974 negotiations were continued with the participation of experts from Turkey and Greece. These meetings ended with the Greek / Greek coup of 15 July 1974.
After 1974, the Turkish Cypriot side and Turkey who live in the island and the facts on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation has adopted the model.
In this context, various negotiations between 1975 and 1997 have taken place to form a federation. However, the Greek Cypriot side pursued a policy that would extend its sovereignty to the North and sought to shape the state structure for this purpose in the negotiations.
To recognize even the autonomy rights of the Turkish Cypriot side in the 1960s, bizonal in the 1970s, bicommunal federation prepared to accept the Greek Cypriot side, EU membership perspective has appeared to defend the stronger federation idea, in the framework of a solution to the Cyprus law will give the Turkish side, especially Turkey’s members he could easily erode within an EU without. Here are some notable developments in this process:
– The Geneva Declaration of 30 July 1974 states that there are two separate and autonomous administrations in Cyprus and, on the other hand, priority should be given to the negotiations for return to constitutional legitimacy.
– After the Denktash-Clerides talks, which had been continuing in Cyprus since September 1974, after Makarios returned to the island in December, the Turkish Cypriot side was to establish the Turkish Cypriot wing of the Turkish Cypriot Federated State on 13 February 1975 (KTFD).
– On 12 March 1975, the UN Security Council, adopted following the announcement of the KTFD, adopted Resolution 367, which served as a good faith to the UN Secretary-General in order to solve the problem. The Secretary-General has sought to assist the ongoing efforts so far. The task of good faith constitutes a much more limited framework than mediation and arbitration, and aims to facilitate the negotiations of the parties.
– On August 2, 1975, a population exchange agreement was reached between Mr. Denktash and Clerides in Vienna under the auspices of the UN and implemented through the UN Peacekeeping Force.
– As a result of the Denktash-Makarios meeting held on February 12, 1977, the High Level Agreements were adopted. With this agreement consisting of four items, it was decided to establish a bicommunal federal republic.
– In May 1979, the Second Summit Agreement was held in Denktash-Kyprianu meeting on the call of the Turkish Cypriot side. This agreement affirmed the 1977 agreement and contained a clause that emphasized the importance of creating a climate of good faith and mutual trust.
– The document, which came up in the negotiations that started on 9 August 1980, clearly mentions the concepts of bi-zonality and security for the first time. The formula for the federal and territorial aspect of the Cyprus problem will be solved by a two-part solution.
– On 15 November 1983 the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was proclaimed on the basis of the self-determination right of the Turkish Cypriot people and emphasizing political equality. In this way, the federation thesis was maintained and the Greek side was called for peace and solution.
– The Secretary-General of the United Nations launched a new initiative in August 1984 within the framework of his goodwill mission and invited the Turkish Cypriot and Greek authorities to meet separately in Vienna. The Secretary-General presented the document known as Working Points. After this date, the various aspects of the Cyprus problem have not been addressed individually, but an integral whole.
– Following the elections held on the Turkish and Greek Cypriot side in 1985, the UN Secretary-General consulted with the parties and submitted the Draft Framework Agreement taraf on 29 March 1986. This text included matters agreed by the parties from August 1984 onwards. The Framework Agreement envisaged the establishment of a bi-national federal state in Cyprus, the veto power of the Greek President and the Turkish Vice-President, and the limitation of the territory of the Turkish side by more than 29 percent.
– On April 21st, the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Mr. Denktaş sent a letter to the Secretary General, who stated that he accepted the main issues of importance for the Turkish side and accepted the package as a whole. Mr. Denktash also stated in a second letter dated 27 April 1986 that he was ready to sign the agreement. The Greek Cypriot leader Kyprianou did not respond to the proposals and called for an international conference. This attitude of the Greek Cypriot side was criticized in the Secretary-General’s statement and report.
– The efforts to find a solution to the Cyprus problem have gained momentum since the first months of 1990 and have intensified. As a result of these efforts in Turkey and with the active participation of the Turkish Cypriot side, UN Secretary-General Ghali, “Set of Ideas” bearing the name and formed a framework agreement draft that the informal nature and transmit it to side. This document is considered to be invaluable and the agreements that can be made on the individual issues will be invalid unless an agreement has been reached.
– Negotiations in New York between June 1992 and November were focused around the concise issues of the comprehensive solution, and the issues that covered the political aspect of the new partnership to be established in Cyprus were discussed within the framework of Set of Ideas
– 1992 Set of Ideas was based on a federal structure solution consisting of two federated states, as envisaged in the 1960 state of affairs were maintained Guarantee and Alliance Treaties, as well as the “Federal Cyprus” in Turkey and Greece to everything “most favored nation” status is stated to recognise . It is envisaged that the Framework Agreement will be finalised in the Fourth Conference following the agreement of the two parties and to be presented to the referendum in both communities within 30 days.
– The Turkish Cypriot side accepted 91 of the Set of 100 paragraphs, and the other 9 paragraphs were ready to negotiate. The Greek Cypriot side did not accept that the Turkish Cypriots would have a separate structure, albeit as a federated unit, and that the Treaty of Guarantee would continue.
– Klerides, who won the February 1993 presidential elections in the Greek side by opposing his Set of Ideas, announced that he would not negotiate a series of ideas as soon as they came to work and that their main choice was to intensify their efforts for membership in the European Union. As a matter of fact, it was observed that the Greek Cypriots started to develop their efforts for EU membership with the help of Greece. The aim of the Greek Cypriots, Greece and provide an indirect Enosis, the guarantee of the right against Turkey, which has been in use in Greece also found in the European Union.
– Since May 1993, the negotiations focused on the Confidence Building Measures proposed by the UN Secretary General. Within the scope of this package, it is foreseen that the Nicosia International Airport (LUH) and Maraş will be opened to the joint use of the two parties under the UN administration.
In the meantime, the European Court of Justice passed a decision prohibiting the TRNC’s exports to the EU in July 1994 upon the application of the Greeks. This decision, which affects nearly 60% of the total exports of the TRNC, has eliminated the concrete benefits of the GAT package to the Turkish Cypriot side.
On the other hand, the Common Defense Doctrine was implemented between Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration in November 1993. Joint Defense Doctrine means planning of joint military strategies and operations between the two countries; reorganisation of the defense infrastructures of Crete, the Dodecanese Islands and Cyprus; To establish air and sea bases in Southern Cyprus, allowing Greece to play a concrete role in the Middle Mediterranean; establishing a reliable telecommunications system; Improving the education of Greek Cypriots and increasing military expenditures.
Within the framework of the aforementioned doctrine, the Pafos Military Airport was built, and in addition to the construction of the Libra Naval Base, it was decided to purchase S-300 missiles from Russia. Meanwhile, the armor power of Greek-Cypriot forces in GASC increased significantly and new type of tanks were purchased from Russia. In addition, Greece sent part of the French-made AMX-30 tanks to the island, claiming that it removed its armed forces from the inventory, and sold Leonidas type armored personnel carriers to the Greek Cypriot Administration. GCA, Western countries also decide on the deployment of S-300 missiles on the island with the pressure, in the context of Turkey’s initiatives have been forced to cancel in December 1998. The missiles are located in Crete.
The developments in the negotiation process in the following period were as follows:
– Five meetings were held between the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC) President Denktaş and the Leader of the GCCEC in October 1994 in the Intermediate Zone under the supervision of the UN Deputy Special Representative to ensure the acceptance of the WTO package by the Greek Cypriot side. In these meetings, Klerides put forward the request of the Turkish side for the application of the one-sided EU membership application by the Greek Cypriot Administration as a prerequisite for admission and the negotiations were thus inconclusive.
– The Greek Cypriot Administration closed the dialogue with the Turkish Cypriot side following a unilateral decision. In March 1995, the EU focused on full EU membership, with the EU giving candidate status to the GCASC. The interviews could not be carried out for almost 3 years due to the fact that Clerides, despite the repeated calls of Mr. Denktas, argued that there was no common ground between the parties.
– Following the indirect talks initiated by the UNJPC Special Representative in March 1997, the UNSG sent a meeting of Mr. Denktaş and Klerides, Troutbeck (USA) and Glion (Switzerland) for about a week each in July and August 1997 upon a call for face-to-face meetings. they came.
– During the Troutbeck talks, the EU Commission’s başlatıl Agenda 2000 ve report on enlargement and the recommendation for full membership negotiations with the Greek Cypriot Administration and the beginning of 1998 were leaked to the press. The EU by Turkey and the TRNC have shown response needed against this attitude, in this context, the envisaged January 20 1997 Turkey-Cyprus Joint Declaration, the steps taken by the GCA horse towards EU membership TRNC will speed up the integration process with Turkey July 20, 1997 dated Common Statement.
– The TRNC Government announced that the decision to start accession talks with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus during the December 1997 EU Summit was a devastating blow to the UN negotiation process and solution parameters; and has not been mentioned. Turkey has also supported the TRNC’s attitude and will not be resolved at the government level to discuss the EU with Cyprus and Greek-Turkish relations.
– The launch of accession negotiations between the European Union and Cyprus, Turkey and the TRNC in a federation model to the extent that embraced within the European Union, Turkey has referred to scrutinize it would be permanent. In the evaluations, Even if all the required assurances obtained in a negotiation process, bizonal, bicommunal, Turkey was seen as a continuation of the effective guarantee of the parameters can be eroded. As a result of this evaluation, our policy on Cyprus was based on the new parameters based on the actual situation on the Island, and an approach based on the delivery of the existence of the TRNC as a sovereign state has been adopted for the continuation of the negotiations.
– In this regard, on 31 August 1998 by the President of the TRNC, Mr. Denktash, it was proposed to establish a Confederation between the two states on the island in order to find a permanent solution to the problem. The proposal was based on the realisation of a joint cooperation following the settlement of the main issues between the two states in Cyprus.
– the other dimension of our policy of strengthening the TRNC as an independent and sovereign state, diversification in all areas of cooperation between Turkey and the TRNC and has constituted deepening. January 20th, 20 July 1997 finally dated April 23, 1998 Joint Statement on the framework of a comprehensive integration process between Turkey and the TRNC was put into effect.
– The attempts to revive the Cyprus negotiation process accelerated in the second half of 1999. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said on November 14, 1999 that the parties agreed to start mediated negotiations in New York on 3 December to prepare the ground for meaningful negotiations on a comprehensive settlement BM.
– The first round of mediated interviews initiated following this statement was made in New York on 3-14 December 1999 and the second round was held in Geneva on 31 January-8 February 2000. The third round started again on July 5, 2000 in Geneva, and was completed on 24 July – 4 August after the break on 12 July. The fourth round took place in New York on 12-26 September 2000 and the fifth round in Geneva on 1-10 November.
– Intermediary interviews were conducted by UNSG Annan and / or Special Advisor of Cyprus Alvaro de Soto.
– President Denktaş, on the occasion of mediated talks, opposes the views expressed by the UN officials on the various aspects of the Cyprus problem, such as the Confederation proposal, security and guarantees, property issues, territorial arrangements, the distribution of authority to be given to the central authority in a solution, status equality, embargoes and EU membership. our responses to the UN Secretariat in detail.
– During the second round of mediated negotiations, GASC leader Clerides described the mediated talks as a er constitutional amendment exercise eri of the Republic of Cyprus in his written statement on February 2, 2000, puncturing the non-disclosure of information about the contents of the talks. Thus, the Greek side, as it seems to be a federation, it does not even take into account such a solution and the minority people on the island of the Turkish Cypriots to reduce the status of a minority, “Republic of Cyprus”, the small constitutional amendments, aims to continue.
– On the occasion of the fourth round of mediated negotiations, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Annan, made a statement on 12 September 2000, confirming that the two peoples on the Island were political equal parties that did not represent the other. The UNSG’s statement underlined the necessity for the parties to reach a comprehensive settlement of a new partnership through negotiations with these equal statuses. On 11 October 2000, the Greek Cypriot side once again reveals how the general secretary had looked at the Turkish Cypriot side by rejecting this statement by a decision he had made in his parliament.
– In the fifth round, the UNSG Annan, who arrived in Geneva on the fifth round, submitted a paper to the parties under the name of GS Oral Expressions GS on 8 November. The statements in the paper did not match the content of the process. An evaluation meeting was held on 24 November 2000 in Ankara between the delegations of our President and Mr. Denktash. After the meeting, Mr. Denktash stated that there were two sovereign states, two peoples and two democracies in Cyprus; and realistic parameters are not accepted to continue mediated negotiations unless agreed.
– On the 8th of November 2001, the President of the Turkish Republic, Mr. Denktash, once again showing his conciliatory attitude and his will to find a solution to the Cyprus problem; GKRY leader Klerides sent a letter to identify the face-to-face meeting. Klerides gave a negative answer to this call first, but he accepted the proposal after Mr. Denktas sent a second letter, which once again pointed to the benefit of exchanging opinions between the parties, on what could be done to quickly resolve the Cyprus issue.
– In this context, Mr. Denktash, with Clerides, met on December 4, 2001 in the island. At the beginning of the meeting where the Special Adviser to the UNJP Cyprus De Soto was prepared to keep a note, Mr. Denktash set out a constructive vision for the future and stated that the Turkish side was ready to negotiate a comprehensive solution for the purpose of establishing a new partnership based on its equal status. he stated that he would support the principles of a comprehensive political solution.
– De Soto announced at the end of the meeting that the two leaders agreed to meet directly in the island in mid-January 2002. Under the auspices of the UN, it was decided to continue negotiations until a comprehensive solution was reached with the understanding that all issues would be on the table and that nothing would be accepted until everything was accepted.
– The leaders also met twice at dinner on December 5, 2001, on the invitation of Mr. Denktash and the other on December 29, 2001 in response to Clerides.
– Within this framework, direct negotiations started on 16 January 2002. The first round ended on 19 February 2002, the second round was held on March 1-27, the third round on 9-29 April, the fourth round was held on 7 May-2 July 2002 and the fifth round was held between 16 July and 2 August. The sixth round of negotiations began on 27 August, during which the discussions between the two sides focused mainly on sovereignty, equality, central authority and the powers of the constituent states. The sixth round of talks was completed on 26 September.
– In these meetings, the leaders expressed their views on the solution of the Cyprus issue within the framework of the principle of açıklık no agreement on all issues without agreement ve and asked for clarification by asking questions to each other, thus trying to clarify which views were negotiated and which could not be changed and to evaluate each other’s true intentions. .
– The Greek side, however, maintained its understanding to include the Turkish side in this i Republic “through a constitutional amendment exercise based on the assertion that the ğ Republic of Cyprus ğ was still continuing in the negotiations. effortless
– On 6 September 2002, the UNSG Annan met with President Mr. Denktaş and the Leader of the GCCEC in Paris and the two leaders had the opportunity to share their views with the UNSG. On 3-4 October 2002, the UNSG Annan invited the parties to New York to meet again. After the meetings held in New York on 3-4 October 2002, the Secretary-General stated that there was no simple solution to the Cyprus problem and that it was decided to establish technical ad hoc committees between the parties in order to reach a comprehensive solution.
– At the end of the rounds of negotiations that began in January 2002, the UNJP Annan presented to the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Mr. Denktash and to the leader of the GASC leader Clerides a KK Comprehensive Solution to the Cyprus Problem 11 (later called the Annan Plan). This plan was rejected by the Greek side.
– Talks were attempted once again in 2017, with lengthy negotiations on both sides but no resolution has yet been agreed.